The aim of this thesis is to discuss and analyse the media debate about Feminist self-defence, by pointing out the pros and the cons. The arguments in favour could be separated into three different parts: statistical arguments, psychological arguments and justice arguments. The counter arguments could also be separated into three parts: general arguments, violence-related arguments and gender-related arguments. In short, Feminist self-defence is built on women's experiences of men's violence. It contains three different parts to help women avoid violence, threat of violence, insult and sexual harassment.

This paper aims to analyze if ground based air defence of the Swedish Defence Forces is sufficiently equipped to protect units serving abroad. The Swedish ground based airdefece has its roots in the era of the cold war but the focus of Swedish Defence Forces has shifted from defending Swedish territory to peace keeping and peace enforcement in foreign countries. First I will take a look at the base factors for ground based air defence units serving in a peace keeping or enforcing mission and then use this to define what abilities you would like to have in a ground based air defence system. Finally I will compare these abilities whit the abilities of the ground based air defence systems that are in use whit the Swedish Defence Forces.My conclusion is that the question can´t be answered on a generel level but every mission has to be analyzed individualy.The author of this paper is Cadet Tobias Jönsson studying at the The Armed Forces Technical School to become an officer in the Swedish Defence Forces..

The purpose of this study was to examine and explain Sweden?s defence and security policy during the twenty-first century. The method that was used in this research was a case study. The material that was used were government documents focusing on this area of policy, and numerous books concerning the theoretical perspectives on international relations and defence security policy. The study is of an explaining art and the analysis explains Sweden?s security and defence policy during the twenty-first century. The analysis explains this by testing it against a liberal and a realist view on international relations. The conclusion of the study is that Sweden?s defence and security policy has been liberal during this time period ? and still is.

The purpose of my work is to understand and examine the reasons why Ethiopia has not developed a larger decline of female genital mutilation, despite their ban on it? A ban that has been operating for ten years should reasonably have reached a greater change than the one Ethiopia has developed today. Based on two different branches of feminist theory, the liberal feminist theory and radical feminist theory, I will try to understand the potential power relationship that can be a immense reason for Ethiopia's continued practice with regard to female genital mutilation. I will examine the liberal feminist approach when it comes to seeing the state as the source of the balance of power that generate inequality in the world between men and women. I will also apply the radical feminist theory on my case study and understand the problem of patriarchy and its already set roles for men and women that we are following in the society today, resulting in gender inequality. The result shows that the radical feminist approach with patriarchy as essential explanation, which articulates that because of ancient traditions and the exercise of power, the amendment must be the changing of power relations between men and women in the private sphere rather than the liberal feminist approach which applies that the state repair the problem..

Relationships between defence mechanisms and body movements were investigated in regard to three hypothesis; I. that a difference in frequency of body movements correlates to different signs of defence mechanisms, II. that themes of body movements can be identified in regard to signs of defence mechanisms, III. that no significant differences will be found between the different groups of gender. The aim of the study was to seek a relation between quasicommunicative body movements and defence mechanisms.

In Sweden, a new feminist political party (?Feministiskt initiativ?) was founded in 2005. The main objective of this thesis is to study the reasons and driving forces behind the establishment of the party, as well as to explain the timing of its foundation in 2005. The theories that are used in the study are focused on the individual founders, and the empirical material comprise in essence of interviews with founders.The study reveals that several individuals, as well as political movements were involved in the process of the party establishment. Various interacting factors influenced the founders to choose the strategy of setting up a political party.

After the last election Sweden has got a government that claims to be feminist. This thesis discusses whether the change of labels has also brought along policy formulated in a feminist way, arguing that the way policy is expressed affects how people see a certain problem. Three policy proposals are analysed, and in only one case the government seems to have been influenced by feminist ideas. The other proposals partly support claims made by new institutionalism that norms and routines in an organisation work to resist policy change, but also shows that feminist ideas are resisted more actively. The fact that so called policy entrepreneurs was present in the policy process at a certain period in time, probably counts for one explanation to the exceptional policy.

The purpose of this essay is to examine how theory and practice intertwines through theactivism of the feminist punk performance collective Pussy Riot. I have also focussed on the political tools with which the activism is performed. Within the academic context of gender studies, I believe there is a need for research that aims to reduce the gap between scholarly and activist feminism. The theoretical framework for the analysis in this essay consists of material feminist theory and postmodern theory. The empirical material is a diversified assemblage of images, court excerpts, newspaper columns, interviews, lyrics and videos.

Uppsatsens syfte är att undersöka hur ordet feminist är laddat och hur ordet används. Redan nu föreslår några att ordet bör bytas ut, i korpusarna från Språkbanken använde några skribenter humanist eller jämställdist istället för ordet feminist. För att se hur ordet har ändrats över tid har jag använt mig av tre olika korpusar från Språkbankens textkorpus Korp. De tre korpusarna som har varit materialet är: Bloggmix 2004, Bloggmix 2009 samt Bloggmix 2014.Jag gjorde en innehållsanalys där jag konstruerade ett analysinstrument som användes på samtliga material. Sammanfattningen är att ordet feminist är väldigt laddat, både i positiv samt i negativ bemärkelse.

This thesis is a discourse theory analysis of two feminist anthologies - Det heter feminism! and F- ordet.  By analyzing these texts through the three categories feminism & feminists, gender equality & equality and sex/gender & sexuality I have raised questions about the feminist debate in Sweden in the 21st century.The discourse theory?s ideas of descriptions of reality and fixation of meaning lies as a foundation for this thesis. The concepts of social constructionism, post structuralism and essentialism/anti essentialism are central for the analysis as well as concepts connected to the three previously mentioned categories.The intention of this thesis is to describe and analyze a fraction of the Swedish feminist debate in the 21st century and discuss its meaning in a societal context. A number of conclusions were reached in the final discussion.

This study uses European researcher Tomas Valasek?s hypothesis about factors required for defence cooperation in order to achieve conditions which can be successfully applied to the Nordic defence cooperation NORDEFCO. The study uses only Norway and Sweden on the grounds that they are the original actors and the driving forces behind the defence cooperation. The factors studied are; the countries' strategic culture, solidarity and trust between countries, similarity in military forces, if similar conditions prevail in the defence industry and if the intentions of cooperation have been clarified.Mainly government documents in the form of propositions, orientations and defence documents are studied, together with previous research in this area and, especially, interviews with representatives of NORDEFCO at military level and policy level as well as outside perspectives from the military attachés in each country. With the intention of studying the extent to which the factors Valasek features may prove to be significant in assessing the conditions for enhanced cooperation in NORDEFCO, the study raises the question of how it is possible to find expressions for the factors.

The essay begins by asserting that the theoretical approaches of men?s violence against women are just as important to study as its extent. The purpose is therefore to analyse and compare two theoretical approaches which is done by a comparative text analysis of two texts written on the subject. The essay attempts to answer two questions; what the theoretical approaches are and how they can be understood in light of feminist theory.Previous research on men?s violence against women discuss especially three theoretical aspects.

This essay examines how non-swedish feminist activists look upon the conditions of their work, in relation to the broader context of womens activism in Sweden. It focuses on relationships between feminist activists and their organisations, on issues of cooperation and also on activists definitions of the concept of feminism. Activists from two different non-swedish womens organisations, both located in Stockholm, have been interviewed. Consequenses of intersections of race, class and gender connected to womens activism have been analysed. Through an intersectional analysis the authour tries to answer questions regarding the positions of womens organisations, relationsships between them, definitions of feminism and the possibilities of cooperations - to shed a light on the power relations of womens organisations in Sweden..

The Barbie doll is an icon filled with meanings; this thesis discusses the Barbie doll and herfeministic potentials and subject positions using a discourse analysis. The thesis analyzeswhat sort of femininity Barbie portraits in magazines, web series and films about her.Theories being used originate mainly from gender and queer studies, where the focus is on theperformative constructions of gender and femininity. Since the material mostly consists ofmoving images some influence is taken from feminist film theorists and semiotic theory,which focuses on signs and their meaning. The thesis centres around the questions: how isBarbie?s femininity challenged, strengthened and constructed in different types of mediaabout her produced by Mattel? And is there any feminist potential in Barbie?s subjectpositions in these media forms?.

Scientists argue that gender affects foreign policy and security policy, that ideas of gender are inconstant and that there is a lack of feminist perspectives in International Relations. The changes seen in the global security context may have challenged the way politicians and scientists understand war and its impacts, and led to increased gender awareness.Using securitization theory and feminist international relations theory, the aim is to examine how women and men are being spoken of in the Swedish foreign policy discourse regarding participation in the UN-led stabilization mission Minusma in Mali. By applying a feminist perspective on the securitization process, the intention is to increase the knowledge of whether there is gender awareness in this context.The result shows that there is limited gender awareness. There is minor consideration for the conflict?s different implications on the situation for women and men.